istanbul conference

The Istanbul Conference

Azzaman devotes a lot of space this morning to coverage of the

Istanbul conference of Wednesday and Thursday (December 13 and 14),

with a picture of the group. There were around 100 attendees,

including politicians, clerics, intellectuals and activists, the

reporter says, from Iraq and from outside of Iraq. Following an

exibition of photos and videos to indicate the realities of what is

occuring in Iraq, the meeting was convened by Abdulrahman bin Amir

al-Nuaimi. He said the purpose of the meeting was to link up Sunnis in

Iraq and outside of Iraq and to present a clear idea to those outside

of conditions that Iraqi Sunnis are facing. He then read a letter from

Safr al-Hawali, who is one of the big names among Saudi clerical

activists, described by Nuaimi as the original proponent of this type

of conference, but prevented from coming to Istanbul for health

reasons. The Hawali letter made three points: Necessity for unity of

the Iraqi resistance to the occupation; need for organized assistance

to Iraqi Sunnis from the Sunni community world-wide; and political

efforts to build a new Iraq for all its groups.

Lead-off speaker was Harith al-Dhari, head of the Muslim Scholars

Association of Iraq. His main point was that the nature of the current

conflict in Iraq is not sectarian but political. The agents who came

to Iraq with the Americans belong to different sects, and the problem

it is not their sectarian beliefs, but their collusion with the

occupation.

He was followed by Salman al-Awda, another of the big names in Saudi

Islamist activism, whose main point was the need for Sunni solidarity

with the Iraqi Sunnis, and he made a special point of congratulating

Turkey for its efforts in this regard, and also for hosting the

conference.

Next up was Adnan al-Dulaimi, head of the Iraqi National Accord,

biggest of the Sunni coalitions in the Iraqi parliament. He demurred

from Dhari's analysis, and said the current conflict in Iraq is at

least partly sectarian, and he said Iran is using this sectarian

conflict as a way of extending its influence.

The first day concluded with the playing of a taped audio message from

a spokesman for the Islamic Army in Iraq. The Azzaman reporter focuses

on the tactical side of what he had to say, for instance noting that

he said many Sunni strongholds in the south have fallen, and the

Safavid threat is now faced by Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. The Azzaman

reporter leaves out the more colorful parts highlighted yesterday in

Al-Quds al-Arabi about Ibn al-Alqami and so on.

On Thursday participants heard from Nasar bin Suleiman al-Amr,

described as the director of a website called Moslim.net (which is the

site that hosted the anti-Shiite declaration of the 38 Saudi clerics

last week), and his main point was more clearly sectarian than any of

the other participants. He couched it this way: Sunnis should treat

Shiites fairly, because some of them don't realize the root nature of

the Iranian scheme. Sunnis need to explain Shiism not only to other

Sunnis, but to the Shiites themselves.

This was countered by Harith al-Dhari, who spoke next in rebuttal. It

is very important, said Dhari, that what we say here not serve in any

way to stoke the flames of conflict. And he elaborated on his point

that the issues are essentially political ones, having their main

origin in the American occupation, and secondarily in the Iranian

interference. The Azzaman reporter gives this the longest treatment of

any of his summaries.

The conference adopted a list of conclusions and recommendations.

(1) Iraq is of central importance, and throughout its history has been

subject to occupation and so on, but a loyal population has always

resisted that.

(2) Sunnis elsewhere cannot tolerate what the Iraqis are going through

in terms of violation of their territory, sovereignty and rights, at

the hands of the occupation, without taking concrete steps to provide

Iraq with assistance.

(3) The occupation bears the reponsibility for the slaughter that is

occurring in Iraq, in practical terms because it is providing the

political umbrella under which this is going on, and in legal terms

because the occupation forces' continuing attacks give Iraqis the

right to prosecute them under international law.

(4) The Safavid political parties share in the responsibility, both

because of their connivance with the occupation generally, and more

particularly because of the activities of their militias.

(5) The current political process in Iraq, under the aegis of the

occupation, is without legal right.

(6) Criticism of Arab and Islamic governments for their silence about

this, their lack of aid to Iraqis, and particularly to Sunnis. These

regimes are doing nothing about the aggressive steps of both America

and Iran.

(7) Praise for the management of the Iraqi resistance which is the

force that has stymied the occupation plans.

This is followed by a list of points for specific action:

(1) Demand that the American occupation forces get out of Iraq, and

end any "form or appearance of military presence" in Iraq, and that

this be done with appropriate international guarantees.

(2) Demand that Iran end its interference in Iraq, and in particular

that it end its support for specific political parties in Iraq.

(3) End the current political process which has been imposed on Iraq

by the occupation, and allow the country to return to a political

process that is supported by the Iraqis themselves, without foreign

interference.

(4) Disarming and disbanding of the militias,

(5) Affirmation of the Arab and Islamic character of Iraq.

(6) Invite the Arab and Islamic regimes to end their policy of

thwarting involvement in the affairs of Iraq, and instead adopt

consistent policies permitting popular and non-governmental

organizations to provide what assistance they can to the people of

Iraq.

(7) Set up follow-up committees, with particular reference to the

following:

(1) Pressure and negotiate with neighboring regimes to support the

Iraqi Sunnis in the danger that they are facing, release prisoners,

and work toward the laying of charges under international law against

the violations that Iraqis have faced, and bringing those responsible

to court.

(2) Material and humanitarian support.

(3) Support for families.

(4) Publicity for what is happening in the country.

The above is the Azzaman summary.

Al-Hayat publishes a much shorter account of the meeting, with the

following additional information that isn't in the Azzaman piece:

Al-Hayat says there was talk about a need for solidarity against

American-Iranian aggression that is pushing Sunnis out of Baghdad.

Among the armed opposition groups, in addition to the taped message

from the IAI, there was also a tape from the Brigades of the 1920

Revolution, and a faxed message from the Army of the Mujahideen.

Among foreign participants, there were presonalities and

representatives of parties and groups from Saudi Arabia, Qatar (where

convener al-Nuaimi is from), Egypt, Jordan, Pakistan, Algeria,

Morocco, and Turkey, along with representation from the Syrian

"Justice and Growth" party.

Al-Nuaimi, from Qatar, is the person responsible for the convening

group, which is called World Campaign for Resistance to Agression. He

said the purpose of the conference, planned as the first of a series,

isn't to ignite sectarian fitna, but rather to appeal to reasonable

Shiites for dialogue to help rescue the country from the foreign